sexta-feira, 30 de outubro de 2015

Entire Album
Konrad Ragossig

Lute Music of the Renaissance
I. England

English lute music came to full fruition at the end of the Elizabethan and beginning of the Jacobean period, around 1600 to 1610, along-side virginal music. The reign of Elizabeth I (1558—1603) was one of advance both at home (completion of the Reformation, social im-provements) and abroad (defeat of the Spanish Armada, growth of worldwide trade). Increased political power and economic strength were matched by a Golden Age in the realms of literature and music. The Elizabethan age was also that of Shakespeare, and of the composers Morley, Byrd, Holborne, Dowland and Gib-bons. High politics left their mark, if indi-rectly, on the works in this recording. Dow-land’s The Earl of Essex Galliard is a reminder of the hot-headed favourite of the “Virgin Queen”, Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, who died on the scaffold in 1601. The eight varia-tions by Francis Cutting entitled Walsingham were named after Elizabeth’s Secretary of State Sir Francis Walsingham, who as head of her secret Service uncovered the Catholic Babing-ton conspiracy, which led in 1587 to the con-demnation and execution of Mary, Queen of Scots.
The wealth of musical forms and expressive possibilities in Dowland’s music is evident from the compositions of his recorded here. These include, as well as works full of impas-sioned grief (for example For/orne Hope Fancy
with a lamento bass moving chromatically downwards a fourth) and melancholy pieces (Semper Dowland semper dolens and the seven celebrated Lachrimae pavanes of 1604), some of a cheerful and comic nature, often referring to a particular person (My Lady Hunsdon’s Puffe and Mrs. Winter's Jump). Dance and variation forms are blended with great skill, as are strict imitation and the features of the free toccata, and traditional dances are transformed into character pieces and mood pictures (Melancholy Galliard). Dowland was a master of the art of imitation, his harmony is richly colourful (with chromaticism) and full of unexpected shifts of tonality, while his melo-dies are flowing, lyrical and sensitive. At the same time they are simple and so easily memorable that some of his compositions became accepted as folk songs, for example his song Can she excuse.
There was no rigid dividing line between art and folk music, between vocal and instrumental pieces, or between artistically stylized and practical dance music in Elizabethan and Jacobean England. Just as some of Dowland’s pieces became folk songs, traditional folk songs found their way into art music. Francis Cutting’s Greensleeves is an example of this. Several other lute compositions of the time were based on this familiar folk song, whose popularity is reflected in the fact that Shakespeare referred to it in The Merry Wives of Windsor.

II. Italy

The oldest known lute music originated in Italy. It consists of pieces by Francesco Spi-nacino, two books of whose were published by Ottavio Petrucci, Venice, in 1507. Italian lute music of the 16th century may be divided into three basic groups:
1. Pieces of an improvisatory character. These are preludes whose style is determined by the alternation of chordal and running passages, pieces whose purpose is to explore the instru-ment’s tonal resources and to prepare both the player and his listeners for the musical performance which is to follow.
2. Contrapuntal pieces in several voices, marked by imitation. These pieces are modelled stylis-tically on vocal music. It was customary to “set” for the lute, and publish as “Intavolatura” (in-tabulation), such vocal compositions as (sacred) motets and (secular) songs, chansons, frottole and madrigais, imitating vocal and contrapuntal techniques with a view to increasing the player’s command of the instrument.
3. Dances of all kinds.
Pieces in the first group, i.e. far-ranging, free preludes, are described at the beginning of the 16th century, in the tablatures of Spinacino and Capirola, by the word “Ricercar” (from ricercare = to search or inquire). Later this ex-pression was extended to pieces in the second group. As a third term for pieces in several parts “Fantasia” came into use from the time of Francesco da Milano. Like “Ricercar”, this ex-pression signifies that the piece in question has been freely invented — not an arrangement for lute of a vocal work already in existence.
The majority of the dances are in triple time, and most of these are Galliards. Originally
conceived to follow the slow Pavane, the Galliard became an independent dance to an ever-increasing extent during the 16th century, and indeed the most popular of dances. The basic pattern of the Galliard consists of five steps followed by a leap. Illustrations show that most figures of the Galliard were danced in open order, with the couples separated. The leap can be executed by both partners. How-ever, not all Galliards in the lute tablatures were actually intended for dancing. Some of the compositions in galliard rhythm are given added interest by the insertion of passages in imitation, and the melodic line is broken up into shorter notes; these pieces were meant to be played during meais, on excursions, and while bathing. Their titles are often the names of ladies, to whom these pieces were probably dedicated (La Cesarina, La Mutià), but others bear derogatory remarks such as “La ne mente per la gola” (freely translated: “She’s a story-teller”).

III. Spain
The vihuela de mano, music for which can be heard on these recordings, is a guitar instrument with a large body, flat back, straight sides and inward-curving flanks.
In accordance with the ad libitum practice of the early 16th century, which allowed compositions originally written for the vihuela to be played on other instruments, the vihuela music on the present disc is played on the lute.
Six Pavanes and four Fantasias are to be heard from the first collection in tablature in Span-ish musical history, the Maestro of Luis Milán, who wished with his compositions to provide lessons for self-instruction. Milán also wanted the Pavanes, essentially solemn processional dances in exact time, to be understood as free rather than strict works, since they originated “only and solely from the imagination and Creative powers of their composer”. So only two of the Pavanes represent tablatures of folk-songs: Milán chose Italian tunes (“Qua la bella Franceschina”, No. 5, and “Poltron Francoy, lasame andare”, No. 6) as models for his im-provisatory compositions. Of Alonso Mudarra and Luis de Narváez our collection includes, above all, variations (“diferencias”). Narváez’s works are historically of great importance, since they contain the first deliberate attempts to cultivate variations as an independent form. The first four variations of the Diferencias sobre 'Guárdame las vacas’ (“Guard the cows for me”) are based on the variation formula of the “romanesca”, the following three (“otras tres diferencias”) on the “passamezzo antico”. Baxa de contrapunto is a contrapuntal dance, a “basse-danse”. The Canción de! Emperador — the title refers to Charles V — is based on a theme by Josquin, which was ingeniously ar-ranged by Narváez in the style of the period. From the work of Mudarra has been chosen, among other things, the original Fantasia que contrahaze la harpa en la manera de Ludu-vico, “apparently a stylistic parody of the fa-mous harpist lauded by Bermudo” (Ward). “It is difficult”, writes Mudarra, “until it is prop-erly understood”, and he adds a note at bar 62, in explanation of the simultaneous false rela-tion: “From here until nearly the end there are what appear to be some wrong notes: if they are played quickly, they do not sound bad”. In the Pavana de Alexandre y su Gallarda
Mudarra composed the only paired dances in the repertoire of the vihuela in Spain.

IV. Poland and Hungary
In the 16th century lutenists played a privileged role among court and town musicians (as may be seen from their high rates of pay) and they often became confidants of their patrons and protectors (as can be seen from various special grants), for there was scarcely a situation that they did not accompany with their music - even if hidden behind a curtain! Moreover, they in-structed members of the court and citizens of the town in the art of playing the lute and thereby were best informed about all opinions, rivalries and alliances. So it is not to be wondered at if lutenists were heavily, if also secretly, involved in the political scene and pursued their own plans. But it was also inevitable that many a lutenist had to quit his country if political constellations changed, and went in danger of life and limb. The life histories of the lutenists represented in this part of the present recording were governed by this amalgamation of political and musical activity.
Diomedes Cato bom in Venice, was engaged by the treasurer of the Prussian ruler of Poland, S. Kostka, at the Polish royal court, where he must have rendered such great Service to his lord and patron that the latter bequeathed to him 10,000 zlotys.
Wojciech (Albert) Dlugoraj was less fortunate. He repeatedly attempted to escape from the Service of his master, S. Zborowski, who how-ever compelled him to return each time. Ulti-mately, because of various intrigues he had to ílee to Germany.
The Hungarian Valentin Greff-Bakfark (1507-76) felt himself more committed to his patron. Duke Albrecht of Prussia, than to his em-ployer, the King of Poland. First of all lutenist at the Transylvanian court in Kronstadt, on Albrecht’s recommendation he carne to the Polish court at Cracow (1549). He took advan-tage of a year of mourning there, in which no music was required, to pay a visit to Italy, Ger-many and France, from which he sent political news not to Cracow, however, but to Kõnigs-berg. Bakfark attained high status at the Polish court, but nevertheless maintained his close association with Kõnigsberg. At the start of 1566, he had to leave Cracow in all haste and seek refuge in Posen (Pozhan). He instructed his wife to dispose of all his belongings in Kõnigsberg, while his home in Vilna was seized by soldiers. By way of Vienna (1566) and Kronstadt (1568) he came to Padua (1571), where he and his family later fell victims to the plague.
Of Jakub Polak we only know that he gave up his profession in his native country and was active as a lutenist at the French court.
Like the output of almost all lutenists, that of Bakfark and the other Polish lutenists is not very extensive, because the lutenists them-selves improvised, for the most part. In the books are found versions in tablature (lute arrangements) of concerted vocal music, independem pieces for lute with and without a bass pattern (Passamezzi, as in Preludes and Fantasias), and dances arranged in groups (Galliards, Allemandes, Choreal. etc.). National peculiarities can be detected only in the dance music of the respective folk music. Even if no simple definition of a Polish dance can be
found — it is nevertheless always a question of a regular-metre step-dance with or without a following leaping-dance — the following features are generally present:
a) at the start or at the cadences, sharply ac-centuated rhythms;
b) full-textured, chordal phrases, in which often every note of the melody is harmonized — from which arises a somewhat ponderous im-pression;
c) melodically, a flourish, once hit upon, was frequently repeated;
d) the formation of phrases is not uniform: alongside four-bar groups are found irregularly formed six-bar groups, and both forms can occur side by side throughout a dance.

V. Germany and The Netherlands
Dances by German lutenists are in the form which was then customary: the “Tanz” (dance) proper in duple time, performed in measured steps, is followed by a “Nachtanz” (after-dance: Gassenhauer, Proporz, Tripla) with the same melody in triple time. In accordance with the manner in which the piece was danced this afer-dance was also known as the “Hupfauf’ (hop-up) or the “Sprung” (leap). Titles refer to melodic or technical features of the dance, or are simply descriptive of the type of dance. “Der Juden Tantz” requires the accompanying strings to be retuned to provide a drone (tonic note with fifth), in order to underline the caricature suggested by the melody, based on a single theme; “Welscher tantz Wascha mesa” is probably a distorted version of the Italian word “Passamezzo”, measured dance; in “Der gestraifft Danntz” the player rubs his thumbs across all the strings as on a harp; the “HofF dantz” refers to the skilful and artistic way in which melodies were decorated; “Deudtscher Tantz” is a general term, as opposed to the specific expression “Polnische Tãnze”, used in the same lute book.

The Netherlands lutenists preferred dances which had originated in Latin countries and which around 1600 dispensed with the com-bined form of dance and after-dance. The titles indicate the tempi and steps required: Courante, Branle, Galliard, Pavane etc. It is noteworthy that in these dance arrangements the emphasis placed on the strong beat of each bar in pieces actually meant for dancing by means of chords or the use of open bass strings gives place to more artistic writing: the melody is contrasted by independent parts in contrary motion to the upper voice, or imitating it. Other features of arrangements are also evident in the works of the German lutenists: formal strength and frequently decorated variation of the preceding section of the melody in repetitions.

The use of contrapuntal construction and the independence given to middle and lower parts, however, point to the influence of the free forms Fantasia and Prelude and they mainly enabled the lutenist to shine with his technical skill in performance. In contrast to these original compositions by lutenists, there are the adaptations of sacred and secular vocal music, i.e. transcriptions for the lute of existing compositions, by which means a single musician could play well-known and popular compositions intended for a number of singers. It is remarkable how successfully lutenists repro-duced complex contrapuntal pieces by skilfully chosen tonalities and changes of position,
cross-stoppings and the omission of octave doublings and subsidiary parts, and how they overcame the problem of notes dying away quickly by adding ornamental cadences, run-ning figures and decorations of the melody, to create what are to all intents and purposes lute l pieces in their own right, without destroying the original compositions.

VI. France
Pierre Attaingnant, printer, publisher and mu-sic-seller in Paris, published a tutor for the lute in 1529 (Tres breve et familiere introduction pour entendre et apprendre ... lutz) and fol-lowed this in the same year with a new volume of dances for the lute (18 basses dances garnies de recoupes ... lutz). Both publications reflect the musical taste and the performance prac-tices of his period. The arrangers (or compos-ers) remain anonymous. Both collections con-sist mainly of dances in two or three parts, three-part transcriptions of chansons, and chansons for voice and lute accompaniment.
The chanson versions are transcribed in three parts, with the melody always in the highest part. In the desire for a clear melodic line, contrapuntal textures are avoided, and only cadential points are decorated with passage-work as well as the breaks between two sec- < tions. The transcriptions of dances in Attain-gnant’s publications emphasize the top voice. Often the accompaniment consists of open " bass strings. In addition to round-dances in a 4 single section, like Haulberroys, Branle and Pavane, there are interesting three-part Basse danses (court dances). The melodic material of the quiet Basse danse in square time reappears in a Recoupe or Retour in triple or compound metre and quicker tempo. This is followed by a Tourdion (turning dance) in very quick tempo also in triple or compound metre and using new melodic material.
During the second half of the 16th century and a large part of the 17th, the publishing house of Adrien Le Roy and Robert Ballard assumed the same importance as that of Attaingnant in the earlier period. Le Roy was an outstanding lutenist. His didactic works were a lasting influence on subsequent developments. The Passamezzo is a very stylized dance, usually consisting of several sections based on a given and unchanged basso ostinato (ground). The “Passemeze” on this recording is based on the “Passamezzo antico”.
Such a “ground” forms also the scaffolding for “Entrée III” by Robert Ballard. “Entrées de Luth” are interludes in the French Ballets de cour and vary in character and texture in accordance with the scene they precede. Robert Ballard was lutenist to Queen Maria de’ Mediei. His style of lute composition consists of an interplay of full chords and mock-polyphonic arpeggios and anticipates the
lute technique of the 17th and 18th centuries. In the four “Branles de village”, a sequence of two-part dances, the drone-accompaniment of tonic and fifth is meant to symbolize “rustic-ity” (cf Chorea rústica by Besard). Jean-Baptiste Besard was one of the most ver-satile French lutenists. He was a doctor of law, a physician and a lute pupil of Lorenzini in Rome. In 1604 he published a literary work in Cologne and, after many cultural tours, settled in 1617 in Augsburg where he published two further collections of lute music, source works on the lute techniques of his time Besard favours a full, chordal texture and in his notes to the players he includes specific stretching exercises for the left hand. He cultivates the entire compass of the lute and he employs extreme registers. He includes pieces by lutenists with similar aims, like P. Bononiensis in his Gagliarda vulgo dolorata.
Besard spread the “airs de cour” to a wider area by being the first to include them in a book of tablatures in Germany. He interest-ingly incorporated the separate vocal line in some of his examples in the lute part, as in the air de cour “J’ai trouvé sur llierbe assise”.

sexta-feira, 16 de outubro de 2015

DANSES MÉDIÉVALES

Entire Album
DANZA
Instrumental music and virtuoso performance in the Middle Ages and today
If the task of the musician who wishes to play instrumental music of the Renaissance, the Baroque and of later periods is to form an interpretation from source materiais, then the task of the musician who wishes to perform instrumental music of the Middle Ages is first of all to reconstitute a performance practice from various Indications. The history of Western instrumental music - and its supposed emancipation in the 16th century - did not begin at the Renaissance. It can be divided into two periods, the first running from the Church Fathers to the so-called discovery of the New World by Christopher Columbus, the second stretching from 1500 to the present day. The first period involves more than six centuries of oral tradition, whilst the second has five centuries of written music.
The performance of instrumental music of the Middle Ages can offer today’s musicians on one hand the enormous pleasure of discovering a repertoire and forms, and on the other the great satisfaction of leaming to master a body of instruments with
unsuspected timbres and qualities; there is also of course, within a framework defined by the study of the source material, the simple joy of giving free rein to one’s imagination through the practice of improvisation. In fact, with the absence of any systematic historical collection of material conceming the jongleur’s art, and given that the jongleur was most often storyteller, singer, instrumentalist (mastering up to twenty different instruments), dancer, magician, actor, acrobat and spy, the modem instrumentalist is faced with a dilemma: whether he accepts to play again and again the same ten or twenty pieces that have been miraculously preserved in a few manuscripts dedicated to the poetry of courtly love, or whether he takes the trouble to reconstitute a more infinite repertoire, in so doing reviving an old oral tradition, by composing original pieces in the different forms and styles that he has studied and by arranging vocal music, the entire repertoire of songs for dancing in particular. Finally, strengthened by this enriching experience and armed with his own inexhaustible inspiration, he can improvise, for example, couplets of dances (and not just the ‘points’ of an estampie) and entire musical forms; he will have to prove his creativity in the fields of omamentation, diminution, in preludes and bridging pieces. In short, he will know how to make the hard work of musical archaeology, necessary as it is, alive and entertaining.


 It is precisely this that Millenarium has striven to bring about in its last five themed CDs for Ricercar, whilst still attaching great importance to the instrumental pieces that are judiciously and generously spread over each CD. After ten years of research, of composition, of experiment on stage and in the rehearsal room, and of a wish to share in the joy of an exciting collective task, the time had now come to devote ourselves to an entire album of the instrumental music of the anonymous virtuosi of the time of the Cathedrals, concentrating particularly on dance music because it was present in every class of feudal society.
Even if the cult of genius and of virtuosity appeared with the development of the concert and the settling-down of the musicians who had been destined since the Renaissance to occupy prestigious functions under the patronage of the nobility and the bourgeoisie, virtuosity,
invention and ingenuity were never missing from the skills of the jongleurs of the Middle Ages despite certain music historians who remain fixed on the idea of progress. Far from being an end in themselves, these ‘primordial virtues’ of the itinerant musician were principally intended to astonish and amaze the listener, whether he be nobleman, priest or peasant. These virtues allowed the male and female jongleurs to be welcomed temporarily into the society of the time by the people whom they had temporarily amazed. The jongleur-musician-singer-dancer-instrumentalist was forced to display his virtuosity, for it was a question of simple survival. In accordance with the oral tradition of passing on knowledge and skills, the first of the virtuoso skills of a musician was to construct the instrument or instruments that he wished to play: there were no music shops at that time! The second was, in a world where there were neither public schools, teachers, instruction books nor lessons, to leam to play his instruments. The third was to attract the attention of his audience, and the fourth and last was to keep it. The same applied to the singer as to the instrumentalist - most often the same person - in direct contradiction of the Church Fathers who, during the first period of Christianity, denied the existence of any ‘erudite’ music, be it popular or courtly, in other words music that was not instinctivn that means music capable of inventivnesss.


There is a good deal of evidence, be it in treatises, repertoires, literature of the time, both in words and pictures, that proves the existence of a more leamed instrumental music that was played by virtuoso musicians, in parallel with music for religious, popular and courtly ceremonial use. The social, spatio-temporal and initiatory dimensions of the ceremonies of the feudal era are relatively well-documented, with the result that the music allied to these ceremonies is now the object of very serious study. How then, did things stand with the instrumental music produced for listening. the music especially composed, the instrumental inventions that sprang from dances like the estampie — whose function was described by Jean de Grouchy as a highly particular form of distraction for the soul that was almost therapeutical: 'By its complex nature, the estampie compels the concentration of the performer just as much as of the listener; it often distracts the powerful and the rich from perverse ideas’. We are also interested in this music, transformed as it is for listening purposes, so that we may pay homage to the master jongleurs of the past who have been such a source of inspiration to us.
In modern times, the cult of virtuosity has become more and more a cult of personality; virtuoso instrumental soloists, who had already become stage performers, if not circus animais, are now subject to an more or less conscious deification of the musician as a performer vowed to an irrelevant cult, to the detriment of what the composer wished to express. The performer is often reduced to the performance of a purely intellectual and abstract speculative act, one that is most often planned in advance and easily repeated. Towards the end of the Middle Ages, the virtuoso instrumental performer was emancipated from his jongleur’s function and art, having contributed to the invention of an autonomous, functional and complete language and having also succeeded in becoming a creator, producing his own invention at a moment’s notice; he however also became a slave to his own virtuosity, thanks to which he finally obtained a comfortable social status and an undeniable power of seduction.
Given that the rules of anonymity and of the oral transmission of knowledge and skills were totally respected during the entire Middle Ages, it was only at the end of the 14th century that the first written works appeared that revealed the names of virtuoso musicians and of instrumental musicians in particular. Chronicles describe the wonderful exploits of Francesco Landini with his organetto and the therapeutic gifts of Valentina Visconti with her harp; the instrumental diminutions preserved in the Codex Faenza, the estampies in the Florentine manuscript preserved in London and the compositions of the Ars Subtilior all clearly attest to the presence of a certain instrumental virtuosity at the close of the Middle Ages. Illustrations depicting the jongleurs playing, dancing and singing at the same time, reports of poetic jousts and the Trobar Clus and ancient notations that show the use of quarter tones all corroborate the improvisatory talents of the musicians and also implicitly suggest the existence of a certain type of virtuosity during the Romanesque period. The definition of virtuosity during the Middle Ages is, however, totally different from the Romantic definition of virtuosity.
Etymologically speaking, virtuosity is derived from the Italian word virtuoso, which is itself a derivation of virtu, energy or quality, from the original Latin word virtus, signifying virtue. Mediaeval music was principally modal in character and still adhered to oral tradition; its mastery of musical parameters such as intensity and timbre in a Pythagorean system of tuning clearly had nothing to do with the pursuit of dexterity and swift speed that was already very much present in the first diminution passages. With its reformulation of the concept of virtuosity, Millenarium now presents its vision of mediaeval virtuosity to the 21 st century.

Since its founding in 1999, Millenarium’s goal has been to interpret the most virtuoso and fascinating music of the Middle Ages in a thoroughly modern and Creative manner. In its programme entitled Danza and with the help of its own compositions positioned side-by-side with the very few traces that were codified in Italy at the end of the 14th century, the Millenarium wishes to display the heights reached by the virtuoso instrumentalist of the Middle Ages before the great irruption of the Renaissance; they wish to re-establish links with the tradition of the Western musical virtuoso as composer, performer and improviser of his own virtuoso and learned music.
 Having abandoned the identifying and ritual functions of music, our post-modern society is still very far from retrieving the therapeutic or magicai virtues of a mediaeval art that was tirelessly regulated and supervised by a clerical administration. Our aim with Danza is also simply to offer the listener a festive moment that speaks both to the heart and to the body, to the spirit and to the soul; we hope to convey this through these few suites of dances that, formed into a multicoloured garland, create this 'Bailo imaginario’.
For Millenarium Christophe DESLIGNES Translation: Peter LOCKWOO